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Mission 25 - Forces
Najaf: Mahdi Cemetery Battle

Friendly Forces

Since March 5, 2003, the 11th Marine Expeditionary Unit has been dubbed “Task Force Yankee,” a title presented by the Commanding General of the I Marine Expeditionary Force. The designation was made in memory of the victims of the September 11th terrorist attacks. Task Force Yankee shoulders its title with honor.

Originally formed as the 17th Marine Amphibious Unit (MAU) in Camp Pendelton, California on April 13, 1979, the 11th MEU earned its new title in 1988, clarifying its capabilities as a quick-reaction intervention force. Readily deployable, the unit’s strength is its combination of powerful arms capabilities and combat readiness. It is a restless unit, one that moves in and out of hostile territories on short notice.

In a fundamental change from the expeditionary nature of the troops, the 11th MEU will remain in Iraq for the duration of their deployment. Needed for the reconstruction efforts in the Middle East, the MEU’s job is a long-term reinforcement of the Iraqi security forces. Using the military might of their infantry, aircraft, tanks, artillery, and ground vehicles, the 11th MEU conducts full-scale combat and training operations in and around Najaf, Ad Diwaniyah, and Baghdad.
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1st Battalion, 5th Cavalry Regiment 2nd, Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Division 2nd Battalion, 7th Cavalry Regiment, 3rd Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Division 1st Battalion, 227 Aviation Regiment, 4th Brigade Combat Team, 1st Cavalry Division

1st Cavalry, 2nd battalion, 5th Cavalry

The "First Team" took to the battlefield in 1855 when the men of the 1st Cavalry protected America’s settlers in the Western frontier against Sioux, Comanche, Arapaho, Apache, and Ute Nations during the Indian Wars. Six years later, the 1st Cavalry entered into fierce, horse-mounted Civil War battles at Bullrun, Antietam, Gettysburg, Wilderness, and Appomattox. Just prior to World War I, the Cavalry engaged Pancho Villa's forces during the Mexican exploration, the last of the Cav’s large horse-mounted battles.

By 1940, technological advances like tanks and aircrafts replaced horses and, three years later, the 1st Cavalry Division entered the Southwest Pacific as foot soldiers following the attack on Pearl Harbor. The First Team fought in Korea and then Vietnam, where the 1st Cavalry’s signature patch was altered. The yellow background was changed to a drab, olive green to conceal the soldiers from enemy forces.

Today’s 1st Cavalry Division has more than 17,000 soldiers and is the foremost heavy-armored division in the US Army. Seven brigade-sized elements include combat aviation engineers, division artillery, and division support brigades. The 1st Cavalry has an air defense artillery battalion, signal battalion, military intelligence battalion, personnel services battalion, chemical and military police companies, and a horse cavalry detachment.

The swift power of the 1st Cavalry is no military secret. Our government depends on these men to lead the way on the battlefield with the highest level of technology and human ingenuity. Former Commander of the Allied Forces, General Norman Schwarzkopf, in the opening days of Operation Desert Storm, barked a terse order that sums it up: "Send in the First Team. Destroy the Republican Guard. Let's go home."
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Iraq’s 225,000 police and National Guard were established by the US occupation authority. Since the formal handover of authority to the new Iraqi government, Iraq’s security forces have been continually targeted by insurgents.

The inherent dangers, coupled with low pay—Iraqi guardsmen bring in between $145 and $170 per month—are blamed for a high turnover rate. Nearly 3,000 policemen quit or were fired in one week in mid-April and in the Iraqi National Guard, 82 percent failed to appear for duty in Fallujah where insurgents and Marines engaged in intense battles.

But authorities insist the Iraqi security forces are better trained and equipped and their members more confident than ever. Recruitment is close to 90% of the projected number, and members are expressing a desire to forego the dangers to serve their countrymen in the new Iraq.

The interim Iraqi government’s plans for the future of Iraqi security include an intervention force, a coastal defense force, an air force, security units for border, customs and immigration, diplomatic protection forces, and a SWAT team.
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 Enemy Forces

The Mahdi army is the militia wing of The Active Religious Seminary, fighters headed by rebel cleric Muqtada al-Sadr. Once believed to include 5,500-7,000 trained combatants and active participants, heavy recruitment in the past months in regions like Sadr City push the membership estimate to more than ten thousand guerillas.

Ongoing fighting around the capital has progressively involved al-Sadr's army. In early April 2004, the Mahdi army attempted to occupy and gain control of police stations and government buildings in Baghdad, engaging coalition forces in battle using small arms and RPGs. The guerillas are also blamed for attacking British troops in Basra, assaulting the governor’s office, and firing RPGs at coalition headquarters.

The Mahdi force survives with help from neighboring Iran. Money has been transferred from Iran to al-Sadr since 2003 in an attempt to settle an Iraqi Shiite power struggle in Karbala. To help prepare elements of the Mahdi Army, Iran's Revolutionary Guard is allegedly setting up camps and training centers along the border.

There is no official issue of weapons, as fighters usually possess a cache of their own guns dating back to a time when Sadr City was Saddam City, its people controlled and tormented by Saddam Hussein. Members of the Mahdi army see the US as "invaders" and view George W. Bush as their new oppressor.
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Back in 1999, Grand Ayatollah Muhammed Sadiq al-Sadr and his two sons were assassinated on orders from Saddam Hussein. Having founded a political Islamic movement in the late 1950s, the Grand Ayatollah was revered by the neighborhood that now bears his name.

The only surviving son, Muqtada al-Sadr, is believed to be 30-years-old. A moon-faced, pudgy young man, Muqtada has no earned status and little religious education. Much of his past is unknown, but by virtue of bearing his father’s last name, he has clout by association. Described as a maverick cleric, al-Sadr has led numerous anti-US demonstrations against the "invader" and assembled the menacing Mahdi Army from poor Shiite men and boys.

Al-Sadr is wanted on murder charges in connection with last year’s killing of a rival, Sayyed Abdel Majid al-Khoei. Al-Khoei was hacked to death by a mob when he returned from exile in London to help run Najaf.
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Screenshots

Najaf: Mahdi Cemetery Battle
 


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